Modes of Resistance
Over the course of the strike, the huelguistas had several strategies of resistance in addition to refraining from work at the cost of their paychecks. These included picketing in front of Economy Furniture and holding rallies and distributing booklets to energize their communities.
Meanwhile, the UIU attorneys and Economy Furniture's legal representation battled it out before the NLRB. Students at the University of Texas also supported the strikers, such as by manning the picket lines (allowing them physical relief) and holding fundraising dances to raise money to feed and to distribute to huelguistas and their families (Riley 121).
This flyer from the Lucha of Austin (a small group of young Chicano activists) explains how the majority-Chicano strikers had picketed for months, in 100 degree heat and subfreezing weather and asks consumers not to purchase "scab furniture" made at Economy Furniture (220).
This sign (and others of its design) was held by strikers in public demonstrations. It indicates that the huelguistas are part of the UIU AFL-CIO and are striking against Economy Furniture. The AFL-CIO was (and is) a national federation of unions of which the UIU was a part. You can see this sign in a photo in Adelante if you scroll down this page.
This is the cover of Adelante: Austin Chicano Huelga, a sort of magazine printed on matte paper. The content suggests it was produced by members of the Economy Furniture Company strike. The cover depicts a child, perhaps that of one of the strikers, holding his fist up in a symbol of power. He stands in front of a banner used in demonstrations such as the November 29th demonstration.
In person, the banner has black text on a pink background. The front reads "CHICANO HUELGA AUSTIN", the text surrounding an eagle. The reverse side reads "LA RAZA UNIDA" in brown text on a black background. The black eagle, sometimes known as a thunderbird, was designed by Richard Chavez (brother of Cesar Chavez) for the United Farmworkers of America. It symbolizes "goodwill and recognition built up by the UFW in the broader Latino and Hispanic communities" and inspires pride and dignity (Sherman).
The heading on page 1 suggests these photos depict an Austin November 29, 1970 demonstration of the Economy Furniture strikers. The first photo is of Victor Ruiz. The quote attributed to him can be translated as: "We have mouths to shout, hands to defend ourselves, and feet to march". The second photo depicts the procession of strikers, some of them holding the Chicano Huelga Austin banner. The intention of this page seems to be to inspire members of the Chicano community with the knowledge they had the power to resist the furniture company and persist in the strike.
In the essay on page 2, the author expresses frustration with the exclusion of Chicanos from the progress brought about by the U.S. labor movement, which won many gains for white workers. Chavez's United Farm Workers were not recognized by the NLRB and were not recognized by their employers for five years. The Chicano farmworkers of Texas had their right to picket indefinitely suspended. Similarly, the Austin huelguistas' struggle against Economy Furniture had no legal end in sight, even with the approval of their union by the NLRB. The author concludes that "gringo laws" cannot help them and only the efforts of the Chicano community can ensure its self-determination.
According to Ian F. Haney Lopez, until the late 1960s, the Mexican community conceived of itself as white, but by this time, many members of this community came to see themselves as Chicanos, a distinct group from white people. He has argued that legal violence (including judicial mistreatment) was a major factor spurring the formation of the non-White Chicano identity. He concludes that race is a social construction, both produced by and producing legal violence.
Stephen E. Rada argues that the Austin huelguistas assumed they would not receive support from the media, for reasons including a belief that Austin was not a pro-union town and another that the owners of the American Statesmen (the major Austin paper) were friends with the owners of Economy Furniture. Rada also notes that huelguista strategies to increase media attention changed over time. They included provocative language, boycotts, picketing, and the disruption of public areas, such as streets.
The essay on page 3 underlines the importance to the strike of Chicanas, who made up 40% of the strike. It draws attention to their unique struggles as women workers, rejects Anglo stereotypes of Chicana women as submissive, and warns Milton Smith (the owner of Economy Furniture) of the strength and unity of Chicanas and Chicanos together.
The header on page 4, YA BASTA, can be understood as meaning approximately "ENOUGH" or "STOP". Beneath is a photo of a woman, likely a striker, yelling and with her fist raised. Together, these two pages give Chicana women a voice and rally them in the strike.
Men were often seen as the leaders in this strike, but women played a crucial role, just as they did in the workforce. In addition to these contributions, women were expected to take on the second job of household management and childrearing (Riley 50-52).
This letter describes the central conflict, the company denying workers the right to unionize, which incited the strike. It names many ways in which the strikers have further been mistreated by others, including police repression and media silence. The strikers also express the idea that their struggle is part of a larger struggle for Chicano liberation. The text towards the bottom of "Viva La Huelga" can be translated as "Long Live the Strike", while "EL RESPETO AL DERECHO AJENO ES LA PAZ" can be translated as "RESPECT FOR THE RIGHTS OF OTHERS MEANS PEACE" and is attributed to Benito Juarez. The inclusion of this quote draws a parallel between Juarez's struggle and that of the huelguistas. He was president of Mexico in 1861-1872 and resisted occupation by an Austrian archduke who was styled emperor of Mexico (Scholes).
The article on page 7 describes an event where strikers, including Lencho Hernandez (a leader in the strike), were arrested while handing out leaflets. The article ends with a cry of "Aztlan Libre!" Aztlan is a pre-Columbian Aztec term that has been used by Chicano activists to refer to the Southwestern United States, rejecting framings of Chicanos as foreigners to that land and framing Europeans as the foreigners instead (Hidalgo).
Page 8 contains a list of ways to help the strikers and includes contact information for "local boycott committees", some of which are out of state and as far away as D.C., Indiana, and Los Angeles.
Page 9 describes the itinerary for Cesar Chavez's visit to Austin to support the Austin Chicano Huelga, including a prayer by Father Joe Zonotas and press conference with Chicano Press. Father Zonotas was likely a member of the Austin Catholic archdiocese, which previously wrote to James J. Johns to express support for the union at Economy Furniture. "Chicano press" across the Southwest was integral to the Chicano movement, disseminating literature, history, and news (JSTOR).
Page 10 depicts photos of strikers. Here, the sign from earlier in this exhibit and the banner from the cover of Adelante can be seen.
The writing on the back of the magazine appears to be the names of strikers, but it is unclear who wrote them and when and where they were written. The same can be said of the January 1970 date. The writing is all in the same pen and in the same handwriting, suggesting it came from one person.